ArmInfo. The severance of economic ties between Yerevan and Moscow could lead to systemic destabilization of Armenia's food security. This is stated in the analytical report of the Primakov National Research Institute of World Economy and International Relations of the Russian Academy of Sciences "Armenia's Foreign Policy at a Crossroads: A Multi-Vector Crisis".
The authors of the report note that Armenia's foreign trade relations with Russia ensure the republic's food, energy and economic security. Along with curtailing cooperation in the political and military spheres, the Armenian leadership expressed its intention to diversify trade and economic ties through partnership with Western countries. The legal basis for the partnership between Armenia and the EU is the Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement, which was signed on November 24, 2017. The agreement was provisionally applied from June 1, 2018 and entered into force on March 1, 2021. At the same time, the government of the Prime Minister of the Republic of Armenia Nikol Pashinyan prefers not to give up the economic benefits and privileges for Armenia as a member of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). This gives Armenia the opportunity to maintain a stable socio-economic situation and minimize the costs of ensuring the reorientation of Armenia's foreign policy vector to the West.
"The formation of the national economic model of Armenia took place in the context of military conflicts, political instability and not always well-thought-out market reforms. In this regard, economic losses during the last 34 years of sovereign development were aggravated not only by the degradation of the industrial sector and the system of cooperative economic ties with other former republics of the USSR, but also by the loss of the scientific and technological base, competitive technologies, transport and logistics difficulties, as well as the energy crisis. Another feature of the Armenian economy is a stable surplus of labor resources, which causes a high level of migration outflow - mainly to Russia, the EU countries and the United States. The problem of excess labor resources in the Armenian economy and migration outflow worsened after the Second Karabakh War in 2020. The economic model of the Republic of Armenia maintains a high level of risks due to the unstable military-political situation, a weak resource base and dependence on external sources of financing consumer demand, foreign investment, as well as other foreign economic factors - labor exports, consumption oriented towards imported goods, investment and financial support from the diaspora," the report notes.
It was noted that in 1990-1995, Armenia experienced an average 10% decline in gross domestic product (GDP) per year. The economic recovery in 1995-2000, when the average annual GDP growth rate was 4.6%, was replaced by dynamic growth in 2000-2005 - up to 11.5% on average per year, which was due to a favorable foreign economic situation, primarily the development of economic ties with Russia. Since 2005, the average annual GDP growth rate has been decreasing by periods: in 2005-2010 - up to 6% per year, in 2010-2015 - 4% and in 2015-2020 - 2.7%. The downward trend in Armenia's economic growth rates was associated with unfavorable regional and global economic conditions, a sharp deterioration in relations between Russia and the West since 2014-2015, which caused a restructuring of the international trade system, as well as the global economic recession caused by the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020.
"In 2021-2024, the recovery of the Armenian economy was based on several factors. Firstly, the recovery growth of 2021 was due to the low base of 2020. Secondly, accelerated growth in 2022 (12.6%) and 2023 (9.4%) was associated with the redistribution of part of the income of Russian exporters and importers through the intermediary participation of Armenian companies. Thirdly, the growth factor was a sharp increase in migration transfers and receipts from Russian individuals who moved to Armenia for permanent or temporary residence - the so-called "relocators", including investments at the level of small businesses and start-ups. Fourthly, an even more significant contribution to the economic development of Armenia was made by the transition of a number of Russian companies to Armenian jurisdiction in order to avoid the "sanctions" of the US and EU. Due to these factors, domestic demand and investment activity expanded in Armenia. This contributed to the increase activity of small and medium-sized businesses in the republic, mainly in the service sector. According to the Eurasian Economic Commission (EEC), in terms of GDP growth rates, Armenia remains the main beneficiary among the EAEU member states. At the same time, Armenia achieves its outstripping rates of economic growth by increasing foreign trade operations primarily with Russia. In 2023, the volume of trade between Armenia and Russia reached $ 7 billion - a significant increase compared to $ 5.3 billion in 2022. Armenia's imports from Russia grew to more than $ 3 billion, and Armenian exports increased from $ 850 million to $ 4 billion, with a significant part of this growth coming from transit goods from third countries. But this is due not only to the growth of Armenia's re-export capabilities. The departure of Western companies from the Russian market allowed Armenian suppliers to expand their presence there. In 2024, mutual trade between the Russian Federation and Armenia for January-September reached $9.9 billion, or 41% of the republic's foreign trade volume for 9 months (it will likely exceed $12 billion by the end of the year), including $2.28 billion in exports from Armenia and $7.64 billion in imports to the republic. Armenia's total exports for 9 months of 2024 amounted to $10.59 billion, imports - $13.12 billion, of which Russia accounts for 21.5% of exports and 58.2% of imports. The EU accounts for just over 6% of Armenian exports and 9% of imports," the report says.
Its authors note that the most important export goods for Armenia remain gold, unprocessed or semi- processed, or in powder form (growth by 13.0 times) and jewelry and its parts (growth by 10.3 times), telephone and telegraph equipment (growth by 29.6%), diamonds (growth by 4.3%), copper ore, concentrate (growth by 15.1%). The total share of these export commodity groups amounted to 67.4% of the total export volume, of which gold accounts for 46.9%.
"The expansion of Armenia's foreign trade occurred mainly due to the re-export of products to Russia and from it to third countries. Inclusion in the re-export system of Russian precious metals and stones is ensured by the preferential trade regime within the EAEU.
A distinctive feature of Armenia's foreign trade for the period from 2022 to 2024 was its involvement in parallel import schemes after a significant increase in anti-Russian sanctions by the US and the EU, which led to a significant change in the commodity and geographic structure of foreign trade. The relative share of exports of domestically produced goods has significantly decreased - to 18-22% of the total volume. At the same time, Russia is the only traditional market for exports of domestically produced goods for Armenia. A wide range of Armenian products - from fruits and vegetables, food, wine and vodka to electrical equipment - enters the Russian market. It is Armenia's foreign trade relations with Russia that ensure the food, energy and economic security of the republic.
According to official data of the Republic of Armenia, imports from Russia account for 98% of wheat, wheat flour, sunflower oil and other grain crops, almost 35% of imports of all agricultural products and 39% of poultry meat, about 40% of fertilizers for agriculture. The breakdown of these ties can lead to systemic destabilization of Armenia's food security. More than 50% of exports of bakery and pasta products, 96.7% of all fruit and vegetable products and agricultural products (dairy products and cheeses) are sent to Russia," Russian analysts believe.
They also pointed out a special article of mutual trade between Armenia and Russia - the supply of energy resources from the Russian Federation at preferential prices, which creates a low level of inflation and provides more than 91.7% of the republic's energy needs. Refusal to supply energy resources at prices much lower than world prices would significantly affect the competitiveness of all industries and would lead to a significant drop in the country's GDP.
"Russia remains the leading investor in the Armenian economy. The accumulated volume of Russian investments in Armenia as of October 2024 amounts to $4 billion. Armenia receives significant investments and assistance from Eurasian financial development institutions - the Eurasian Development Bank (EDB) and the Eurasian Fund for Stabilization and Development (EFSD). Their programs are aimed at implementing projects in the fields of infrastructure, agriculture, industry, digitalization of the service sector and public administration, and tourism development. The accumulated investments of the EDB in Armenia as of the end of 2024 amounted to $488 million. In 2025-2026, the EDB plans to invest up to $250 million in the Armenian economy," the IMEMO RAS analysts recalled.
In their opinion, the political decisions taken by Armenia to "diversify" foreign economic relations in favor of Western partners imply the development of integration with the EU. This goal is officially declared by the Armenian leadership. On January 9, 2025, the Armenian government approved the bill on the country's accession to the EU and sent it to parliament. At the same time, the Armenian side still insists on maintaining its full membership in the EAEU, which, given Yerevan's orientation toward the EU and the establishment of a system of maximally liberal trade regimes in Armenian-European trade, contradicts the interests of the Russian Federation. In the current international political conditions, a normal settlement of trade disputes between the EAEU and the EU related to Armenia's entry into an association with the European Union and movement toward full membership is virtually impossible. "Considering the dominance of Russian energy supplies to Armenia and the monopoly position of Gazprom Armenia (100% of the shares belong to Gazprom), the abolition of preferences on export duties on gas will lead to a 20-30% increase in the price of Russian gas (under the current agreement, gas is purchased at $165 per 1,000 m3). In total, Gazprom has allocated about $550 million to finance infrastructure projects in Armenia. Fuel is supplied to Armenia in transit through Georgia. Gas from Iran could be an alternative. However, there are infrastructural limitations on the throughput capacity of the Iran-Armenia gas pipeline, which is about 2.2 billion m3 per year, while today Armenia imports about 2.7 billion m3 from Russia. In addition, price increases are inevitable, and additional difficulties are possible due to the fact that gas supplies from Iran could be significantly limited or even blocked by the US and the EU, as contradicting the anti-Iranian sanctions regimes. If the US and their allies will be able to put pressure on Azerbaijan and make it the main supplier of gas, oil and oil products to Armenia, then the Azerbaijani leadership will naturally want to receive not only economic, but also geopolitical benefits from such a deal. The Armenian leadership will have to explain such a course of events to the country's population. Armenia imports nuclear fuel from Russia, which for technological reasons cannot be replaced with foreign fuel. In accordance with the signed agreement with the EU, it is envisaged to close the existing Metsamor NPP and replace it with the construction of small hydroelectric power plants and the use of renewable energy sources. The Armenian government announced that it will give preference to American investors in the event of the need to build new NPP power units, rather than Rosatom, the report says.
It also points to a significant problem for the RA economy associated with dependence on migrant remittances and assistance from Armenian diasporas in Russia, the United States, and the EU. Migrant remittances averaged 14% of GDP per year in 1995-2020. The total inflow of remittances from abroad in January-September 2024 reached almost $ 4 billion, decreasing by 7% compared to the same period last year. Most remittances were received from 2 countries, accounting for 78.0% of the total inflow. More than $ 2.57 billion were transferred from Russia in 2024 (a 14.3% drop compared to the same period last year due to a decrease in the number of relocators and financial restrictions in Western countries). The second source of remittances was the United States, from where $0.5 billion came. Even a 4.5% increase compared to the same period last year did not allow to reduce the fivefold gap that exists in favor of transfers from Russia. Such a ratio of cross-border transfers speaks for itself and should also prompt the RA government to make balanced decisions.
One of the arguments of supporters of integration with the EU is the decline in foreign direct investment. In Armenia, this negative trend is associated with membership in the EAEU and anti-Russian sanctions. However, in the event of a rupture in economic relations with the EAEU and Moscow, it is possible to expect an increase in investment inflow only in the extractive industries, which will completely come under the control of foreign investors. In terms of natural resources, the most attractive for foreign investors are molybdenum deposits (according to the World Bank, Armenia contains up to 7.6% of the world's reserves) and copper. For large European mining companies, investments in these deposits are complicated by transport and logistics problems. "The principles of regulating trade and economic relations within the EAEU do not imply the possibility of member countries joining other integration associations that open them to the free movement of goods, services and capital. The establishment of closer ties between Armenia and the EU, and even more so the prospect of its accession to the European Union, directly contradict the economic interests of other EAEU members. If the Pashinyan government continues to worsen Russian-Armenian relations, trade and economic cooperation cannot remain outside the framework of new emerging trends. A significant part of Armenian exports is directed to the Russian market. The Russian Federation accounts for more than 95% of all exported fish, potatoes, tomatoes, apricots, cherries, peaches, plums, up to 87% of cheese and cottage cheese, water and alcoholic beverages. Finding alternative markets will be difficult. In this context, a revision of all currently existing bilateral agreements with Armenia seems inevitable. In the event of Armenia's withdrawal or exclusion from the EAEU, it will lose preferential regime for gas and energy supplies. In trade with Russia and other members of the EAEU, a revision of all customs duties and tariffs, as well as all other preferences associated with membership in the EAEU, will be inevitable. Given the significant positions of Russian property holders in Armenia (up to 70% of the most significant industrial and energy assets of the republic), the actions of the Pashinyan government may cause significant shocks to the economy of the Republic of Armenia. A possible forced sale of these assets, under the so-called sanctions and other restrictions by the US and the EU against Russian companies, would be difficult for both Russian owners and the Armenian government. Attempts to nationalize the property of Russian companies would be an act of economic warfare against Russia and could lead to a deep crisis in bilateral relations," the report says.
It also notes that the termination of trade regimes existing in the EAEU may create significant risks for entire sectors of the Armenian economy. For example, the rise in prices for grain, forage and fertilizers exported to Armenia may be painful for the Armenian economy. Such a development will create problems for the agro-industrial sector of Armenia, complicate the situation of leading agricultural companies and reduce the purchasing power of households due to the high share of bread and other food products imported from Russia in the consumer basket of the population. Attempts to connect alternative suppliers will require a significant revision of the entire system of foreign trade, transport and logistics schemes and new political agreements with Georgia, Azerbaijan and Turkey. "In the event of Armenia's withdrawal from the EAEU and a change in trade regimes, even if Russia does not introduce non-tariff restrictions that would result in a one-time restriction of trade operations for a number of exported and imported goods, the adaptation period could be long. It could take 3 to 5 years for the Armenian economy to switch to alternative trading partners for Russia, primarily the EU and Turkey, and the prospects for success for Armenian goods and services in these markets do not look bright. Losses from the curtailment of trade and economic ties with Russia could amount to 20% of GDP, which would primarily affect the standard of living and accelerate the outflow of the working population from the republic, primarily leading to the loss of the most qualified workers. Some will leave for EU countries for higher salaries and greater opportunities, and some of the human capital will be attracted by the Russian economy. For many Armenians, the choice between life and work in Russia and the European Union will be not only economic in nature, but also cultural and civilizational. Of course, Armenia's withdrawal not only from the CSTO, but also from the EAEU would be a sensitive blow not only to Armenian national interests, but also to the interests of Russia and Russian business. But the risks and additional costs for Russian companies that will be forced to change their foreign economic operations and sever ties with Armenian partners are incomparable in scale with the consequences that such decisions by the Armenian government could entail for all Armenian business and the country's economy," the authors of the report believe.